The "French economic patriotism"

La Revue Parlementaire est associée à son homologue anglais The House Magazine* pour une analyse de l'actualité vu de Londres. Par Sam Macrory, rédacteur en chef du service Politique


The reaction in the UK to Dominique de Villepin's call to arms for 'French economic patriotism' has been muted to say the least.

It's hardly surprising from a nation of either brazenly open or coyly closeted Eurosceptics, for even the most ardent British supporter of Europe struggles to shake off the lingering little Englander mentality that so affects their psyche.

Tony Blair has spent the best part of nine years beating the European drum, but refuses to stray from the rigid red lines - the series of non-negotiable UK policies - that he has laid down. Even conservative grandee Europhile Ken Clarke appeared to distance himself from further European economic integration during last year's battle for the Tory leadership.

And no British political party has ever adopted a truly all-or-nothing mentality when it comes to being a part of Europe, with pro-European policies always layered in caveats of self-protectionism. Maybe it's the remnants of Lord Salisbury's policy of splendid isolation, or perhaps just an unhealthy by-product of centuries of suspiciously looking for signs of foreign activity in the English Channel, but few figures in British politics are ever prepared to dip more than a tentative toe into continental waters.

So economic patriotism actually makes sense to many of those who would shape Britain's European destiny, and it would be hard to criticise against Gallic self-interest without just a whiff of hypocrisy.

There is also an undercurrent of acceptance that such a nationalistic move has been deliberately announced just a year before the likely presidential elections take place. To British students of European politics the French rejection of the EU constitution came as a genuine shock - as it to many of the French political hierarchy. A timely bit of jingoism can only help De Villepin's campaign to succeed the incumbent President Chirac.

But the clamour of complaints that are growing across Europe may tip the balance. Considerable weight is being thrown behind allegations that the French government engineered the merger of energy companies Suez and Gaz de France in order to block a mooted takeover of Suez by Italian firm Enel.

German Chancellery Minister Thomas de Maiziere has criticised the 'old French tradition' of protecting certain sectors, while EU internal commissioner Charlie McGreevy has slated French moves for being out of step with the law and sending the 'wrong message' about the openness of the EU.

So, chancellor Gordon Brown duly followed - silence at this stage would have been impossible to justify. "Liberalisation on services, energy and utilities are part of, and remain central to, a successful single market," announced Britain's prime ministerin waiting, which stops short of naming names while clearly spelling out his stance. Brown also vowed to step up his calls for a competition body for Europe, but he may well find that battle lines have already been drawn.

In addition to the French stance, Spain has also come under fire for an attempted merger of two energy companies, while bank mergers designed to ward off foreign interest have been bubbling under in Italy and Poland.

Industrial consolidation and cross-border takeovers were designed to be the next obvious stepping stone in creating real ties that bind across Europe. But while the briefcases at Brussels promote border-breaking business, individual nations have taken on a stance of defiance. Britain, whatever Blair and Brown's protestations would certainly - unquestionably so in an election year - have done the same.


* The House Magazine a été créé en 1976 par un groupe de députes afin de traiter et débattre de l'ordre du jour parlementaire de manière impartiale mais incisive. Il est depuis 30 ans l'hebdomadaire des parlementaires britanniques.